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France

Yearbook 2005

France. The year offered unusually difficult trials for President Jacques Chirac and the French government. When voters opposite the political establishment's line said no to the new EU Treaty, it became a real scrap with unforeseen consequences for the Union. Towards the end of the year, French suburbs were shaken by riots that became so extensive that it gave echoes throughout the world.

2005 France

In early March, President Chirac announced that the promised referendum on the EU Treaty would be held on May 29. The two largest parties - Chirac's right-wing UMP and the socialists - supported the jas side. But it was clear that this was far from a walk away. In addition to opposing both the Communist Party and the right-wing National Front, the Socialist Party's second man Laurent Fabius led a neighbourhood. The opposition was about widely different things: some considered the treaty to be too neoliberal and to contain too few labor law and welfare policy guarantees. Others were mainly opposed to the EU's plans for membership negotiations with Turkey. In addition, "the Polish plumber" haunted, an image of concern for competition from cheap Eastern European labor.

2005 FranceThe result in the referendum was unequivocal, close to 55% said no against 45 for the jasmine. The turnout was high, around 70%. The referendum thus became a severe setback for Chirac. He responded by re-furnishing the government. The very unpopular Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin went out and was replaced by Minister of the Interior Dominique de Villepin. At the same time, UMP leader Nicolas Sarkozy returned as new Minister of the Interior.

According to countryaah, Sarkozy was given a prominent role when France was shaken by the most violent crowds in November since the May 1968 revolt. expelled, even if they had a residence permit. The residents of the vulnerable suburbs largely have their roots in the former French colonies of North and West Africa. The suburbs, so-called citÚs, are characterized by high unemployment, poverty and exclusion. For many, the rattles became a clear sign of failed integration. The extreme right breathed morning air and saw an ally in Sarkozy.

The igniting spark of the riots was when two teenage boys trying to hide from the police were burned to death in a transformer station in the Paris suburb of Clichy-sous-Bois. The fatal accident caused angry young people to engage in harm and enter into street fighting with police. The ravages continued night after night and soon spread to other suburbs of Paris and other parts of France. The government eventually decided to use a 1955 law on emergency permits that made it possible to impose local curfews. When the riots erupted after a couple of weeks, a 61-year-old man had been beaten to death, 3,000 people arrested and 10,000 cars set on fire. A report from the intelligence service stated in December that social dissatisfaction was the cause of the riots and that they arose spontaneously and were not organized from the outside.

Earlier in the autumn, a conflict over the state-owned French ferry company caused SNCM violence in the port city of Marseille and in Corsica. This was in connection with a strike in protest of the state's plans to privatize SNCM, which handles ferry services between the mainland and the Mediterranean island. Ferry traffic was down for just over three weeks, and disruptions also occurred in ports, at airports and elsewhere. In mid-October, the strike was canceled when it became clear that the shipping company was threatened with bankruptcy. The state had then promised to retain a 25% share and pump money into the company.

A total of over 40 people were killed in two notable fires in April and August. There was a debate over housing policy in Paris, where thousands of poor people live in substandard rental properties and run-down hotels. Many of the victims were children and the majority were immigrants from Africa.

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